纪念蒂利逝世十周年|Zelizer：作为文化/性别研究者的Tilly
纪念蒂利逝世十周年专栏
本章为之二：
Zelizer, Viviana A. 2010. ‘Chuck Tilly and Mozart’. The American Sociologist 41 (4): 423–428.
许多年前，我和Tilly有一次在讨论各种学术取向和各种艺术之间的类比。他告诉我：他希望自己就像莫扎特一样，开创具有创造性的取向，能对多个不同的领域都能有所贡献。
因此，要回忆介绍Tilly是件困难的事情，我将只说两点：Tilly作为the cultural analyst and Chuck the feminist scholar。这乍听起来有点奇怪。
Tilly是文化研究者？
我第一见见到Tilly是在1990年的Russel Sage举办的一个小型的seminar。他发表的论文是
"Transplanted Networks." 我举起了手，提了一个问题：what about the impact of culture on the migration chains he was studying?
Tilly尽管示以微笑，但似乎不屑于回答我的问题，如是说： I don't believe in culture.
但到了2008年，这个结构主义者并没有彻底转变自己，但是却日益将文化纳入他的分析中。
是的，尽管Tilly仍称自己的研究是"relational realism" ，但他确实变了。
1992年，他在一篇信件中这样说：
I've long been hostile as well to the invocation of culture as (a) an autonomous force, (b) what's left when you take out class, race, power, and so on, (c) a characteristic of individual personalities, secreted somewhere among the brain, the heart, and the soul
但是，他也承认自己被说服了：他所说的“剧目”显然是个文化概念。 "I've mellowed on culture... colleagues... [have] made me appreciate that shared understandings and their objectifications... make a significant difference to what possibilities of action actors actually consider not to mention how they interpret the outcomes of their interaction." "I finally realized," he wrote, "that my notion of repertoires is an eminently cultural notion."
所以在后来，当Bruce Stave采访他的时候，他才会说：
One of my major intellectual projects of the last decade or so has been to build a more adequate account of identity, agency, and culture. The most obvious one, and I think the most successful, has been my idea of repertoires of contention.
到了2007年，另一位江湖大佬 DiMaggio才会说：
"If Tilly would only come out as a sociologist of culture, he would be a very good one"
我还要说，Tilly还是the feminist scholar。
首先，Tilly是个实践上的女性主义者哦。
在他2007年11月20日列出的自己带过的（指导和共同指导的）36个学生中，有一半是女生！（虽然有一些是外国人，名字不好确认是男生还是女生）。
当然，Tilly在学术研究上也考虑到了gender的重要性。
在Work under Capitalism (1998)以及 co-authored with Chris Tilly and Durable Inequality (1998) 这两本书最有代表性。
在Work under Capitalism (1998)中，Tilly去追问：
凭什么无酬的家务劳动不被算作是经济活动？
why domestic work and other forms of unpaid labor, typically performed by women, should count as crucial economic activity?
在他看来，西方资本主义兴起带来的一个后果就是：将real work定义为outsid家庭的事情。于是，家务劳动便被抛了出去。
在Durable Inequality (1998)这书中，Tilly还追问：
什么样的机制创造了现在女性主义所认为的（性别上的）范畴不平等？
exposition of mechanisms that create and perpetuate various forms of categorical inequality has already made its mark in feminist thinking
如果你去看这本书的引用情况就更明确了，180篇引用了这本书的journal articles（来自SSCI）中，有51篇是来自和gender议题有关！
Back to my earlier Mozart analogy, .... Chuck Tilly, master sociologist, historian, political theorist, and more, populated our intellectual worlds with his multiple ideas and explanations. It still remains a daunting challenge for all of us to think about this magical man in the past tense. How fortunate we are to receive his precious legacy
（Sociological理论大缸第198期）
链接：
ASR2017|文化社会学在说“文化"时，有哪些分类和关联？
墨西哥/加纳/南非怎样吸收传播马丁路德金？全球记忆社会学（Jijon2018）
纪念齐美尔逝世百年专栏| 齐美尔论why/how社会自由（郑作彧2015）